Access To Insight- Readings in Theravada Buddhism, The Most Scholarly Website of Our time!!

Great Scholars regard and respect the works of people behind the site "Accesstoinsight.org", the greatest scholarly online work on Buddhism or any religion for that matter, this is it. John Bullitt, who is behind this groundbreaking online work on Theravada Buddhism humbly accepts that it is not just him but there are so many people, monks, scholars and Theravada experts are behind this works, but I have to say John has done a tremendous job.

Like how I admire the works of erstwhile Ven Walpola Rahula's Book "What the Buddha Taught", along the lines, accesstoinsight.org is beyond doubt strikingly scholarly, knowledgeable, uptodate and as it is as Buddha would have told his story of life, mind and death to this world. Every Buddhist must go to this site, and most importantly, there is no such Theravada reference material as good as accesstoinsight, you are the Most Scholarly website of our time.

Buddhism’s Revival in India in the 20th Century

Vinay Lal writes about the revival of Buddhism in India and the untiring torch bearers of the Buddhism in India and Tamil Nadu.

Buddhism’s Revival in India in the 20^th Century

Vinay Lal

The disappearance of Buddhism from the land of its birth, a gradual process that extended from the latter part of the 1^st millennium AD until about 1200-1300 AD, is a phenomenon that has been commented upon quite often.  [See the related article on this web site.]  Another part of this story is surely the revival of Buddhism, a reawakening with which the name of B. R. Ambedkar is indelibly linked.  Indeed, the story of modern-day Indian Buddhism  generally commences with Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism in 1956, a mere couple of months before his death.  By the early 1990s, there were an estimated 7 - 10 million Buddhists in India, the bulk of them in the western state of Maharashtra.

However, the narrative of Buddhism’s revival in India can more accurately be traced back to the 19^th century, and a more complex account of it would have to take stock of various Dravidian, anti-Brahminical, and self-respect movements that, in various ways, impinged on the fortunes of Buddhism in India from the late nineteenth century onwards.  The names of reformers such as Jotiba Phule (1826-1890) and much later E. V. Ramaswami ‘Periyar’ (1879-1973) are, of course, well-known, but one can also point to other tendencies.  Mahima Dharma, or the “religion” founded by Mahima Gosain [previously known as Mukunda Das] in Orissa in 1862, stood for the rejection of caste and idol worship, and Gosain embraced such Buddhist practices as begging for cooked food.  Gosain’s teachings were spread through many followers, none as famous as the blind adivasi poet, Bhima Bhoi, whose bhajans popularized Mahima Gosain’s teachings. 

Ambedkar’s closest forerunner may well have been Pandit Iyothee Thaas, a Tamil Siddha physician (1845-1914) who not only urged the Untouchables (as they were then known) to view themselves as non-Hindus, as casteless Dravidians, but also set another example for them by taking diksha at the hands of a Buddhist monk in Sri Lanka.  Thaas went on to found the Sakya Buddhist Society in Madras.

Various other trajectories fed into Buddhism’s revival, among them the arrival in India in 1891 of David Hewavitarne, more well-known as Angarika Dharmapala.   The restoration of Bodh Gaya, the site of the Buddha’s enlightenment, was undertaken at his behest, and Dharmapala also founded the Maha Bodhi Society.  Before Ambedkar’s conversion in 1956 and the advent of what we might call Dalit Buddhism, the Maha Bodhi Society, which also wrested control of Bodh Gaya from the hands of its Hindu managers, would become the custodian of Buddhism’s fortunes. Dharmapala’s visit to India coincided with a spurt of scholarly interest in Buddhism among Indologists, including such famous ones as the Sanskritist R. G. Bhandarkar, and something of what might be called an antiquarian and spiritual interest in Buddhism among intellectuals and truth seekers in the West.  In 1881, the Pali Text Society had been founded, and authoritative versions of Buddhist texts soon came to be published and disseminated under its auspices.  One convert to Buddhism in India who was to acquire considerable fame in later years was Dharmanand Kosambi, who was born in Goa in 1876 and was ordained as a Buddhist monk in 1902.  Though his fame has been eclipsed by that of his son, D. D. Kosambi, the most eminent Indian Marxist historian of his generation,

 

Dharmanand Kosambi authored one of the most popular biographies of Buddha, Bhagwan Buddha (1940, and still in print from Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan).

 

Ultimately, however, Buddhism’s revival owes the most to Ambedkar’s alienation from Hinduism and his embrace of Buddhism, which by no means seemed inevitable to him even when he had emphatically denounced Hinduism, in October 1956.  That story has been taken up in great detail by Ambedkar’s biographers and is now part of Dalit lore; and consequently it will not be rehearsed now at any length. It is worth recalling that as late as 1929, when a group of Dalits threatened to convert to Islam or Christianity, Ambedkar did not really see Buddhism as a viable alternative for low-caste Hindus.  As he then wrote, “No particular effect will be felt on the bullying of the so-called upper castes by becoming Buddhist or Arya Samajist, so we see no meaning in following this path.  To successfully confront the domination of Hindus, we should become Christians or Muslims and win the support of a powerful community and with this erase the mark of Untouchability.”   Ambedkar was fully conversant with the problem that in India the tendency to view Buddhism as an off-shoot of Hinduism meant that converts to Buddhism would be treated with something like indifference, and that they would not be able to escape the liabilities of low-caste Hinduism.  Upper-caste Hindus were not likely to perceive conversion to Buddhism as anything of a threat.  By the mid-1930s, however, Ambedkar had certainly come around to the view that he could not remain within the fold of Hinduism.  As he was to declare on 13 October 1935, “Unfortunately, I was born a Hindu.  It was beyond my power to prevent that, but I solemnly assure you that I will not die a Hindu.”  He only took the final plunge in October 1956.  Perhaps not coincidentally, or not without its own symbolic politics, Ambedkar’s conversion, accompanied by the conversion of thousands of his followers, took place at a large field in the city of Nagpur, a place associated with the rise of Hindu nationalist sentiments.  The field where Ambedkar converted would be sanctified as “Diksha Bhoomi”, the field or earth of vow-taking.

 

Though Buddhism has gained adherents over the last five decades, Indian Buddhists are still relatively miniscule in numbers.  Buddhism’s presence in India is, of course, another matter, with the landscape in many parts of the country still dotted with remains of Buddhist monasteries, Buddhist sculptural art, and other reminders of the supreme presence that Buddhism once occupied in Indian life.  The hill regions of north-east India, Uttaraanchal, and Himachal Pradesh, as well as Ladakh in Jammu & Kashmir are other areas where sizable Buddhist communities are found.  Japanese tourists arriving in India to take the Buddhist pilgrimage route are writing yet another chapter of the history of Indian Buddhism, as are, in more profound ways, Tibetan Buddhists.  There is a sizable population of Tibetan Buddhists, over 150,000 people, in India; and the Dalai Lama heads the Tibetan government in exile at the hill station of Dharmashala.  In the 12^th and 13^th centuries, as Buddhism was pushed further east and north, it eventually made its way to Tibet and found refuge in the mountainous retreats of that country.  It is, thus, perfectly apposite that Buddhism should now have come back to India from Tibet to nourish the soil on which it once grew.

HTML Version: Posted:  24 February 2006

Bauddhacharya S. Sajivan Nath: Scholarly Activist in the Path laid by Dr.B.R.Ambedkar

Here is a story of suffering of a man in the hands of casteistic Brahmins and other Indians, who came up in life against all truamatic experiences of caste violence and atrocity. His abilities to shattered the casteistist by following Dr.Ambedkar's work and teachings brought out lots of talents and services out of Mr.Bauddhacharya S.Sajivan Nath.

From his website:
Bauddhacharya S. Sajivan Nath

Bauddhacharya S. Sajivan Nath was born on November 19, 1941 in Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh. His father served the British Army as a fourth-class employee. He graduated from the University of Allahabad, Allahabad. He was fortunate not only in obtaining college level education but also gaining sufficient exposure in the area of sports, especially football. His penchant for playing football enabled him to represent his team at school, college, district and state levels. Thus, the British rule provided him with the required impetus, necessary for boosting his overall personality.

After completing his studies, he got a job as a storekeeper in the Military Engineering Services in Allahabad. During his service, he underwent ruthless caste-based discriminations. Every moment he was made to realize that he was a Dalit and was treated as an outcaste. For instance, whenever he or the other people of his community went to market to buy anything, the upper caste baniya or the shopkeeper either threw things at them or wrapped the articles in some old newspaper before handing over to them in order to avoid physical touch. Humiliated, the people of his community paid money by placing it on some shelf or plank, from where the baniya picked it up. In his office, he often entered into heated argument or debate with the upper caste co-workers regarding the ascribed lifestyle and status of Dalits in the Indian society. Exclusivity, so obvious and so sacrosanct in the eyes of the upper castes, was tormenting to him. He came to think, “If humiliation be the governing principle in an organization, then why serve it; why not to protest against it”?

Humiliation to him could be minimized, if not overcome, by abandoning the job. “But what about the others in the society who are living perpetually under this horrendous neglect and insult”? These thoughts tormented Bauddhacharya for many months, culminating in his resignation from the job.

It was his first major protest against a society that reduces man to the level of slavery. It was a step which few of his status could have dared to take. The traumatic effects of such experiences and others pushed him to take up the cause of Dalits and their sufferings. He wanted emancipation of Dalits from the hegemony of Brahmanism. He knew that it was a Herculean task, but then acquiescence would lead to moral inertia.

A missionary zeal enthused him to draw the attention of the society to the ill treatment meted out to the downtrodden and to express their urge for uplift and empowerment. During this period, he undertook an intensive study of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s autobiography and works. While reading, about the silent suffering, torture, and discrimination, he was emotionally absorbed and burst out in tears. He vowed to use his learning for the liberation of Dalit communities. He initially began writing for ‘Allahabad Kesari’. However, he failed to get the expected response from the readers. With his limited resources but indefatigable courage, he set-up a publication unit ‘Milan Prakashan’, in 1969 at Allahabad.

Since then, he has been in publishing a fortnightly newspaper ‘Dalit Kesari’, which has come to be recognized as the most widely read all over India.Being an ardent follower of Ambedkar, he extensively popularized his ideals for the Dalit awakening. He presents Ambedkar as a role model for the Dalit masses. He expresses their protests, yearnings and dreams through his poems, songs and essays. He portrays the atrocities that Dalits undergo in their day-to-day life, attacking vehemently Brahman vayavastha (Brahman system) for imposition of thevarna system at the cost of shraman tradition. 

According to him, the latter system accords equal value to all who put in labour (i.e. lower castes) and consume with ethical dignity as opposed to those who are parasitic on the fruits of the labour of others (upper castes). Last 36 years have witnessed his assiduous attempt to undertake various kinds of writings which include articles, poems, and small booklets like ‘Bhangi Ki Jivan Gatha’; ‘Bodhisatva-Babasaheb Ambedkar; ‘Manavta Ki Azadi Ka Mahaparva: Ambedkar Jayanti’; Mahaparva: Ambedkar Jayanti; Nagvanshi Hela Ki Khani Hela Ki Jabani; 1875 Ki Kranti Ka Janak- Nagvanshi Bhangi Matadeen Hela’.

His advancing age has failed to reduce his dedication to the world of writing and social activism. Some of his booklets are under publication and there are many themes which he thinks of explore in his writings. The Ambedkar in him has not made him overlook the social critique of Brahmanism by such non-Dalit scholars as Rahul Sankrityayan. He has been honoured by various academic institutions, notably like, Bhartiya Boddhaya Mahasabha, Allahabad; Mrigdawan Mahavihaar, Sarnath (Varanasi); Maharastra Dalit Sahitya Academy; Bhartiya Dalit Sahitya Academy, Delhi and Madhya Pradesh Dalit Sahitya Academy.

His writings continue to ignite the consciousness of Dalits to assert for their identity and dignity. The printing press established by him has effectively served the purpose for which it was bought. This is a great solace to a man dedicated to the cause of Dalits.

Small booklets leaving big imprint on Dalit psycheNachiketa Narayan in Allahabad December 18, 2005 22:44 IST
While the emergence of backward classes as a social and political force has been made possible by the efforts of their leaders, credit also goes to the Dalit literature to complement the efforts by infusing a sense of dignity in these sections, says a study.

Dr.Ambedkar & RSS: Yet Another Scholarly Article by Dr.Ram Puniyani

Ambedkar and RSS

Ram Puniyani

When RSS Sarsanghchalak said that Ambedkar supported RSS ideology (16th Oct. 2005), it was not for the first time that a political movement was trying to fabricate lies to co-opt a major thinker and political leader of totally opposite views, for its’ selfish interests.

Mr. Sudarshan was trying to buttress the RSS ideology of opposition to reservations by saying that Ambedkar did not support reservations as they are for political purposes. One recalls that reservations were part of the protective affirmative clauses for the weaker sections. The only point was that as per his scheme of things reservations will be for ten years by which time the social disabilities would be overcome and reservations will not be needed.

Who could have foreseen that the machinery already in place for implementation of the government policies would partly sabotage the implementation of reservation policy in such a way so that the desired goals would not be achieved?

No society can be democratic and strive to go in egalitarian direction unless the victims of centuries old discrimination are given special protection and nobody conceptualized it better than Dr. Ambedkar.

Sudarshan’s assertion that Ambedkar drafted a Western constitution under the pressure of Congress, insults Dr. Ambedkar in a deeper way. He was not the one to buckle under pressure. He had the values and ideas of his own, and the example of this was when he resigned from the Cabinet because Hindu Code Bill drafted by him did not pass through and also because he was side tracked in other matters of policy and planning. It’s a comment which is derogatory to the thinker and leader who did all possible to ensure that he stands for his values and ideas rather than compromises for the sake of power and pelf.

At the same time Sudarshan seems to be promoting his own postulate that Indian constitution, is based on Western values and should be replaced by the one based on Hindu holy books. It is in that direction that BJP led NDA coalition appointed the constitution review committee, which of course was a dismal failure, thanks to the opposition of RSS formulation by most of the people of this country. Ambedkar did not buckle under any body’s pressure while drafting the constitution as he was committed to the democratic values of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity (community), the one’s which have been enshrined in this book.

Also it was the constituent assembly, a reasonably accurate representative body of Indian people, which guided the constitution and not the Western influence. One can go on to say that the constitution itself was one of the major contributions of Babasaheb.

Sudarshan also asserts that Dr. Ambedkar stuck to Hindu culture while embracing Buddhism. Nothing could be farther from truth. By no stretch of imagination one can call all the tendencies prevailing in India as Hindu. The dominant tradition, which passes off as Hinduism is Brahmanism. Dr. Ambedkar called Hinduism as Brahminic theology and went on to say that he was born a Hindu that was not in his hands, but surely he will not die a Hindu. Buddhism is not a part of Hindu culture. The central part of dominant Hinduism is caste system, while Buddhism stands for social equality.

As per Ambedkar the clash between Braminic Hinduism and Buddhism is the major part of Indian history. In his understanding of Indian History he divides it into three parts. Part one Revolution, i.e. coming in of Buddhism to oppose Brahmanic caste and gender hierarchy. This is followed by counterrevolution, during which the Brahmanism attacks Buddhism at ideological level through Shankaracharya and at the social and political level by the onslaughts of kings like Pushmitra Shunga and Shashak. It is due to this that Buddhism, became extinct from India till Dr. Ambedkar brought it back.

• He chose this religion, while rejecting Hinduism, mainly because its values of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity (Community). To present him as supporter of RSS and RSS ideology is a clever deceit, a political move, to win over sections of Dalits to RSS-Hindutva politics.
  

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Ram Puniyani is a Professor at IIT Mumbai and is associated with EKTA, Committee for Communal Amity, Mumbai .